At what point should Democrats forgo good state policy for existential national considerations? That is the central question faced by the left in Colorado and across the country.
In his unquenchable appetite for power, President Donald Trump pushed Texas to redraw its congressional map in order to make five more GOP seats. The Texas state House complied last week. The measure should sail through their state Senate and land on the desk of Gov. Greg Abbott shortly thereafter. He has probably already uncapped the pen with which he intends to sign.
The upshot is that five Democrats will lose their congressional seats to Republicans in next year’s midterm elections.
Given that Republicans maintain a slim majority in the U.S. House of Representatives — 220 R to 215 D if you count currently vacated seats — those five seats provide them a needed buffer in midterm elections that traditionally swing against the president in power. They understand that in an environment where the electorate overwhelmingly disapproves of their landmark “Big, Beautiful Bill” and support generic Democrats by 4-to-8-points in national polls, that midterm trend will be amplified.
Consequently, when Trump messed with Texas, the state went supine and complied.
It is the first time in memory — maybe ever — that any state has engaged in such blatant mid-Census map drawing based purely on political motivations. The process usually happens once every 10 years, after the decennial Census tells us how the population has changed. The express purpose is to protect the one-person, one-vote precept of American democracy. Redistricting ensures that congressional districts have roughly the same number of people in each.
It is a question of fundamental fairness.
Which is not something Trump has ever cared about. To the contrary, his success is based on exploiting opponents constrained by rules he relishes in breaking. From real estate deals to campaigns to using the military as his vehicle for retribution, he actively seeks out opportunities to break with norms. Trump sees anyone adhering to those norms as a sign of weakness to be exploited.
That is exactly what happened here. Trump does not think Democrats will tarnish their self-image as the defenders of good-governance. He has dared them to retaliate, knowing that most will not have the stomach to do so. Failure to act is a tacit admission that he is right.
In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom understands that dynamic. For weeks he has pressed for retaliatory measures to combat the Texas gerrymander. He made a plan, called a special session, and had the legislature pass a retaliatory plan that would counteract the Democratic losses in Texas.
The problem for Democrats is that Trump will not stop with just Texas. Newsom’s gambit, which still needs voter approval, cannot balance out the difference if Republicans in Indiana, Missouri and Florida get their way. It would require other, Democratically controlled states to join.
States like Colorado.
And that is where we come to the question I started with: Should Colorado trade its good-government redistricting policies in the existential struggle against Trump and his allies?
It is certainly a dilemma I understand personally. In the very first column I wrote for The Colorado Sun, I championed the redistricting ballot measures that changed our system. The proposal sapped political influence in favor of compromise and communities of interest. In a vacuum, I still believe it is the best system for Colorado.
But we do not live in a vacuum. And state legislators and Gov. Jared Polis cannot ignore national political realities. Our good policy becomes meaningless when the outcome is entirely undermined by the actions of other states. That is the reality they must live in.
Currently the Colorado congressional delegation is evenly split, 4 to 4, between Republicans and Democrats. One of those districts, CD8, has been home to two extremely competitive races in each of the two cycles it has existed. It promises to be again in 2026. The Cook Political Report lists it as one of the 18 “toss up” districts across the country. The only other Colorado district on that list is CD3, which is listed as “likely Republican” since Rep. Lauren Boebert fled town to the Republican-safe CD4 across the state.
At best Democrats could ensure themselves an additional two seats and a 6 to 2 advantage. Both CD8 and CD3 could be drawn in ways that would make them lean in favor of Democrats — even if they were already likely to pick up CD8 due to the current political environment, making that a foregone conclusion rather than a gamble.
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Detractors will say it cannot be done legally. That has not seemed to stop Trump. It shouldn’t stop Democrats. Make the change and dare courts to intervene. Otherwise be complicit in the anti-democratic national outcome.
Even the force behind the ballot measures I supported in 2018, Kent Thiry, said, “I respect those who don’t want to bring a knife to a gunfight.”
It is more like bringing a butter knife to invade the beaches of Normandy. If Colorado Democrats do nothing to combat the efforts in Republican-controlled states, they will find themselves at the mercy of a tyrant who does not share their affinity for norms, policy and pleasantries. And the rest of us will be subject to the fallout.
Mario Nicolais is an attorney and columnist who writes on law enforcement, the legal system, health care and public policy. Follow him on BlueSky: @MarioNicolais.bsky.social.
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