It’s a weird time in Colorado Democratic gubernatorial politics. And it will get increasingly weird over the next 13 months or so, at least until we reach the June 30, 2026, Democratic primary.
We’ve got a lame-duck Democratic governor in Jared Polis, who, like many lame ducks, doesn’t consider himself hobbled at all.
He has a point. Polis has Republican-led cities suing him over state housing policy, punctuated by Polis’ executive order that withholds some state funds to cities that don’t comply. He’s got Democrats in the legislature grumbling, some louder than others, about what they see as his ham-fisted approach to the legislative process. No one can say Polis is fading away, even if many legislators in his own party seem to wish he would.
And we’ve got two Democrats — one a sitting U.S. senator, one a term-limited state attorney general — who will eventually have to separate themselves to some degree from the lame-duck governor, but not yet, at least not too much.
But for Attorney General Phil Weiser, it seems the best path to beating Michael Bennet — a three-term U.S. senator — is to take him on from the left, which also means standing apart on progressive issues from Polis, whose libertarian affinities have become more and more pronounced. And whose more-than-occasional normalization of Donald Trump sets him apart from most Democrats.
And yet.
In Friday’s Unaffiliated newsletter — yes, it’s for premium Colorado Sun members, but The Sun’s Unaffiliated is necessary reading for anyone interested in state politics and policy — we get a fascinating take on Jesse Paul’s interview with Weiser at The Sun’s recent annual Colorado SunFest.
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On two issues particularly important to progressives, Weiser basically took a pass.
On TABOR reform, Weiser said he favors changing the rules on capping growth and spending that severely limit the state’s ability to fund the budget. But he didn’t say how the cap should be changed. He said, instead, that he would, if elected, ask the people for their input.
Does that sound just a little squishy to you? It does to me. Here’s the quote from Weiser:
“That’s, to me, what honest, bottom-up leadership looks like. I do believe to be a public servant — a servant leader — you can’t just say ‘I’ve always liked your ideas. Listen to me.’ It’s got to be, ‘Hey, what are your ideas?’ or ‘What do you think about some ideas? How do I make them better?’”
And on amending the Labor Peace Act — a bill passed by the Democratically controlled legislature and then vetoed by Polis, who isn’t exactly a friend to unions — Weiser supported parts of Senate Bill 5, but not all of it. Should we give him credit for standing up and not giving in to a major Democratic ally or should we wonder how progressive he might be?
The bill would have removed a requirement that 75% of a company’s workers must agree before unions can charge all workers fees for collective bargaining representation. That’s a big number. For many blue states, the number is 50%.
Again from Weiser, who said the issue of differing percentages is “not necessarily … a binary”:
“There’s a range of proposals that were put forward that deserve to be figured out, and the way to do that is through an open process, through true collaboration and listening.”
He added: “I believe we’ve got to change the Labor Peace Act to address some of the antiquated requirements it has, and I believe the way to do that is with the process of having rigorous engagement, working together … The process, if it’s left to me, is one that I will bring to a conclusion to change this law.”
Not exactly full-throated support for a bill that Democratic-friendly unions strongly embraced.
I wish Bennet had showed up at Colorado SunFest and taken the same questions. But for Weiser, whose name recognition is dwarfed by Bennet’s, it was important to be there.
One of the principal issues in a primary fight so far is Bennet’s support for some of Trump’s cabinet appointees — he said he voted for them as the best way to win their support on Colorado-specific issues — and Weiser’s role in suing some of those same appointees as part of coalition of Democratic attorneys general.
At last count, Weiser had signed on to 20 lawsuits against the Trump administration, with many more sure to come. The lawsuits, also coming from the ACLU and activist organizations, have been the most effective constraints on Trump’s madness to date.
Weiser says the suits — three of which his office is leading — have put a serious strain on his department, but, he said, “I see no other choice when someone is breaking the law and harming Colorado.”
It’s a real issue — this is not the time to be compromising on competency — and definitely Weiser’s best issue. But Bennet can point to his voting record on a wide range of issues, starting with Trump’s assault on the rule of law. We can assume, as the campaign heats up, so will the rhetoric.
Of course, it’s early, more than a year early. But Weiser is raising real money. Bennet, who despite what you may hear can easily campaign for governor and still do his Senate job, will put together a detailed platform, as will Weiser. Their differences will become more pronounced.
I’m glad there’s a race and not a coronation. I can’t wait for the debates — many months removed, I would guess — between two smart guys who basically respect each other and who are probably not too far apart on most issues.
But new issues will arise. They always do. And with Polis still running things in Colorado, some of those issues will necessarily highlight divides between moderates and progressives.
That’s one area in which history — which is having its own troubles under Trump — can still be reliably depended upon. The race won’t be static. It’s just beginning.
Obviously, it’s a terrible time for politics in our country. For many of us, it’s so hard to watch Trump’s continued assault on truth and justice and what used to be, not so long ago, the American way.
But I’m ready to believe that the primary race for Colorado governor could offer real improvement. I mean, how could it possibly be any worse?
Mike Littwin has been a columnist for too many years to count. He has covered Dr. J, four presidential inaugurations, six national conventions and countless brain-numbing speeches in the New Hampshire and Iowa snow. Sign up for Mike’s newsletter.
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