I know this sounds counterintuitive, but believe me, it’s true. The hardest part of writing about Lauren Boebert is that it’s way too easy to write about Lauren Boebert.
You could write about her and some fresh outrage nearly every day, which is, of course, exactly what she wants you to do. Try reading her @laurenboebert Twitter feed every morning and you’ll see.
Or you could try to ignore the routinely bigoted, incendiary stuff she says because you don’t want to give an even wider audience to the routinely bigoted, incendiary stuff she says. You may remember when we had this argument, only on a much larger scale, about Donald Trump. You don’t hear it so much anymore in the post-January 6, Big Lie world.
Or you could, which is what I try to do, weigh in only when it’s irresponsible not to — which would be a week like this week, in which Boebert appears in news story after news story after news story.
Or you could consider the conundrum raised by 9News’ Kyle Clark a few months ago — that if journalists hold Boebert to a double standard, reporting on her only when she crosses some invisible line of outrage, we’re cheating every politician who has some respect for civility.
I’d add to the Clark conundrum that since the Republican establishment in Colorado — if there is such a thing any more, and I don’t even know who’d be included these days — gives Boebert basically a free pass, somebody has to report on her.
The Lincoln Project, the brainstorm of Republican anti-Trumpists, has a new animated video out, imagining Boebert — along with Marjorie Taylor Greene, Matt Gaetz and Ivanka Trump — as the future of the Republican Party. A narrator says, “Meet the new Republican Party. We have conspiracy theories, insurrection and don’t forget overthrowing elections.”
This comes on the heels of a Politico story about the 40-person, so-called Freedom Caucus, which is composed of the far-right wing of the Republican right wing in the U.S. House. You know, Gaetz, Madison Cawthorn, Paul Gosar, Mo Brooks, Jim Jordan, Louie Gohmert, Chip Roy, Ken Buck, Boebert, Greene and the rest of the gang. Politico says the caucus is split in its mission — is it to defend Trump and the Big Lie or should it be more concerned, particularly since Republicans are favored to win back the House majority in November, about actual conservative causes?
The story begins with a bombshell anecdote about a loud argument between Boebert and Greene over Greene’s attendance at a February event organized by a known white nationalist. Politico cites three unnamed sources saying that someone had to step in between them. And then there’s this: Although they seem to walk hand in hand — you may recall when Boebert and Greene jointly heckled Joe Biden during the State of the Union address — Politico says Boebert privately “detests” being tied to Greene, who may be a little too much even for Boebert. Maybe it was Greene’s “Marshall law” text to Mark Meadows that sent her over the edge.
And that story follows a New York Times story of more damning Kevin McCarthy comments. The first Times story, of course, has McCarthy telling others in the Republican leadership, a few days after the January 6th debacle at the Capitol, that “he’d had it” with Trump and would tell Trump he should resign. Of course, he never did.
McCarthy lied that the story was fake news until the Times released audio of the conversation. The audio was found in reporting for the new book by Times writers Alexander Burns and Jonathan Martin — “This Will Not Pass: Trump, Biden and the Battle for America’s Future.” The story died a little when Trump, once again, forgave McCarthy his transgressions.
The second bit of audio appeared in a Times story headlined, “McCarthy Feared G.O.P. Lawmakers Put ‘People in Jeopardy’ After Jan. 6.” In this audio, Republican leaders discuss post-insurrection tweets and commentary from the party’s far right. Liz Cheney — whom you may remember as a one-time Republican leader before the great purge — said in the conversation that Boebert could be a “security risk,” citing Boebert’s tweet about Nancy Pelosi being removed from the House chambers.
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Apparently, it wasn’t only paranoid Democrats who thought Boebert might have been using that tweet to communicate with insurrectionists.
In yet another Times story, it was reported that a former White House aide had told the January 6 House committee that Boebert was among a group of conservatives involved in White House discussions on how the 2020 election results might still be overturned.
A fourth story was not exactly a bombshell. Four Republicans from the 3rd Congressional District, which Boebert represents, had filed suit alleging that the secretary of state’s office had improperly counted signatures collected by state Sen. Don Coram, who will run against Boebert in the Republican primary.
Coram needed to collect 1,500 signatures from the district to qualify for the ballot. The lawsuit claimed that 390 of the 1,568 approved signatures should have been stricken. Denver District Court Judge Alex C. Myers ruled that only 19 of the 390 should have been rejected.
And so Coram is on the ballot. Hardly anyone gives him much of a chance, though, to defeat Boebert, but that’s why they play the games. Nobody thought Boebert had any chance to upset five-time incumbent Rep. Scott Tipton in the 2020 Republican primary, and look at her now.
Despite the headlines, despite the heckling, despite calling a Muslim colleague a member of the Jihad squad, despite the elevator stories, despite it all, Boebert is a rock star who raises money from across the country —- and has raised 10 times the funds that Coram has raised.
Whoever emerges from the Democratic primary in the district — Sol Sandoval, Adam Frisch and Alex Walker are on the ticket — would also be a huge underdog against Boebert, assuming she wins the primary, in the general election. And that story, too, I’m afraid, promises to be way too easy to write.
Mike Littwin has been a columnist for too many years to count. He has covered Dr. J, four presidential inaugurations, six national conventions and countless brain-numbing speeches in the New Hampshire and Iowa snow.